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$10,000 Appropriated for More Migratory Labor Camps." Shafter Progress 1935 May 10: 1.
Bailey, Stanley. “Squalor—Result of Migrations.” San Francisco Chronicle 1940 February 12: 1.
Baxter, W.F. “Migratory Labor Camps.” The Quartermaster Review 1937 Jul: 10-15, 74.
Beals, Carleton. “Migs: America’s Shantytown on Wheels.” Forum 1938 January: 10-15.
Benson, Jackson J. "To Tom, Who Lived It: John Steinbeck and the Man from Weedpatch.” Journal of Modern Literature 5(2) 1976 April: 151-210.
Benson contends that the background for much of Steinbeck’s depiction of migrant life in The Grapes of Wrath, came not only from Collins’ camp reports, but also from the influence and friendship of Tom Collins, to whom the second part of the novel is dedicated. Hired in 1935 by the Resettlement Administration (later called the Farm Security Administration), Collins served as manager of the first migrant camp program in California. By 1936, Collins’ contributions to the camp program were becoming legend. When Steinbeck went to the Division of Information offices for help with a series of articles on the migrants, he was directed to Tom Collins at the Weedpatch camp. Benson credits Collins with the most important contribution to The Grapes of Wrath; that is, “the spirit at the heart of the novel, rather than…the details and color of its surface.”
“Big Celebration at Migratory Camp.” Terra Bella News (Tulare County Library, Visalia) 1941 September 5: ?.
Braunig, E. Paul, Assistant Agricultural Economist. “A Progress Study of Families Living in the Labor Homes of Arvin Migratory Labor Camp, Arvin, California, for the year 1940.” July 1941: 1-15.
“California Is Housing Its Aged and Indigent in Large Modern Hospitals.” Wasco News January 1, 1930: 2.
“California Replies to Steinbeck.” Business Week May 11, 1940: 17.
California’s State Chamber of Commerce offers a recommendation to solve California’s migrant farm labor problem. Chief among Chamber report suggestions: (1) Federal relief programs should be increased in states of out-migration, and local and state support should be encouraged by federal matching grants; (2) FSA camps should be continued as an emergency measure; (3) Farmers must develop permanent housing facilities on their own land; and (4) State Employment Service should be re-organized to serve California’s needs more adequately.
California State Department of Public Health. “The Health of Transient and Migratory Laborers in California.” Weekly Bulletin (California State Department of Public Health 16(32) September 4, 1937: 125-31.
California State Department of Public Health. “Trailing Child and Maternal Health into California Migrant Agricultural Camps. Report of the second year of the migratory demonstration, July 1937-June 1938.” Sacramento 1939.California State University, Bakersfield. California Odyssey: The 1930s Migration to the Southern San Joaquin Valley. [Oral history interviews] 1980.
Cannon, Brian. "Keep on A-Goin': Life and Social Interaction in a New Deal Farm Labor Camp." Agricultural History 70 (1966): 1-32.
Surveys everyday life and social relations in Arvin's Migratory Labor Camp near Bakersfield, California, one of eighteen camps in California that the Farm Security Administration was operating for migrant workers in 1940.
Canter, Ester A. “California ‘Renovates’ the Dust Bowler.” Hygeia 18(5) May 1940: 420-23.
Camp nurse’s attempt to educate “dust bowlers” about personal hygiene and preventative medicine as she contends with home remedies and superstitution. For many “dust bowlers” life in the migratory labor camp was an improvement over the poverty and starvation they experienced since leaving their farms in Oklahoma, Arkansas, Missouri, and Kansas. Condescending article portraying the ignorance of migrants toward health care and nutrition. Reflects the prevaling view of migrants as shiftless and illiterate.
“Care of Transients this Winter to be Along Broader Lines.” Shafter Progress September 1, 1933: 1.
“Cotton Camps Are Given Food: Capital Is Picketed at Phoenix by Transient Labor Groups.” Arizona Daily Star March 23 1938: np.
Cotton pickers demonstration in Phoenix, Arizona in protest over their living conditions. Spokesman for the group claimed some 2,000 persons were “lured to Arizona by advertisements” promising work only to find themselves living in squalor outside the city limits.
“Cotton Picker Relief Delayed.” Arizona Daily Star March 27, 1938.
“Cotton Pickers Get $50,000 Relief Fund.” Arizona Republic March 25, 1938.
“Cotton Pickers Will Get Food.” Arizona Daily Star March 24, 1938: 1, E0A.
“If there is no mob action and everyone goes home,” declared Governor Stanford to the organizers of the Committee for Industrial Organization, he would see to it that the destitute pea pickers residing in the squalid camps west of Phoenix would receive aid. However, only six case workers would be assigned to assess the needs of the families. “It is the best we can do,” said the secretary of the Maricopa County Board of Social Security and Welfare. “And to do that much, we will be taking food out of the mouths of Arizona residents.” Governor Stanford intends to “evolve a plan” by which to return the pea pickers to their home states.
Cowley, Malcolm. “American Tragedy.” The New Republic. May 3, 1939: 382-83.
__________. “In the Streets, Grass and Breadlines Grew: A Depression Memoir.” Los Angeles Times October 28, 1979: Part 5; 1, 6.
Creisler, Lillian. “Little Oklahoma: A Study of the Social and Economic Adjustment of Refugees in the Beard Tract, Modesto, Stanislaus County, California during the period July 1936 to May 1939.” Master’s thesis. Berkeley: University of California, 1940.
Sociological study of “Little Oklahoma” that includes supporting materials, surveys, along with supplementary tables. Author concludes that these refugees succeeded because they ceased to be migrants and instead became part of an established group. Through their hard work they contributed to the community as “substantial and valuable members of society.”
Currie, J.H. "Labor Camps in the San Joaquin." Daily Telegram April 13, 1937.
“Depleting Funds to Help Migrant Workers.” Chandler Arizonan March 11, 1938: 1.
Dickie, Walter M., Director (California State Department of Public Health). “Health of the Migrant.” Weekly Bulletin (California State Department of Public Health) 17 (June 18, 1938): 81-7.
“Dust Bowl Refugee Survey Finds SJR Camps Squalor-Ridden.” Los Angeles Times July 21, 1937: 10.
Evans, Mercer G. “”Housing For Migratory Agricultural Workers.” Public Welfare News 6 (June 1939): 2-4.
As Acting Director of the Personnel and Labor Relations Division of the FSA, Evans discusses the factors which prompted the FSA to provide decent living conditions for the migrant farms workers living in California in mid-1930s.
__________. United States Department of Agriculture. Farm Security Administration. “The Migration of Farm Labor.” Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1939.
Discusses the character, motivation, and the opportunity of the migratory farm labor groups as they moved across the country in search of work. Department of Agriculture’s efforts to alleviate the social and economic conditions of the agricultural workers were organized into three phases: 1) direct amelioration of conditions through the development of a labor camp program; 2) partial stabilization of farm labor families through the development of labor homes and gardens; 3) reestablishment of migratory farm families as independent farm operators.
“Farm Bureau Group Hears Advantages Clean Camps for Migratory Labor.” Bakersfield Californian October 26, 1937: 5.
“Farmers Farm Labor Camps.” San Francisco Chronicle March 18, 1937: 12.
“Federal Migratory Camps.” Kern County Union Labor Journal September 29, 1939: 4.
“First Lady Sheds Light on Problem of Migrants.” Fresno Bee December 13, 1940.
Food Rushed to Starving Farm Colony." The San Francisco News March 10, 19??: ??.
“Funds for Migratory Camp Must Be Halved According to Report.” Arvin Tiller March 31, 1939: 1.
Girvin, Robert E. “Hopelessness Housed in California Jungles.” San Francisco Chronicle March 8, 1937: 2, 6.
Fruit pickers living in “jungles” around Marysville and Yuba City live in abject poverty. According to Girvin, the majority of these “jungle inhabitants” are former owners of small farms in the Great Plains forced because of drought, insects, and dust. However, social workers, according to Girvin, claim that the “Sacramento valley jungles…are clean respectable compared to conditions in Kern County.” Migrants in the Buttonwillow, Buena Vista and Tuckerton live in “almost unimaginable filth—festering sores of miserable humanity.”
Gregory, James N. American Exodus: The Dust Bowl Migration and Okie Culture in California. New York: Oxford University Press, 1989.
__________. “Dust Bowl Legacies: The Okie Impact on California, 1939-1989.” California History 68 (3) September 1989: 74-85, 146-7.
Holzschuh, Alma (Farm Security Administration, California Region IX). “A Study of 6,655 Migrant Households Receiving Emergency Grants.” San Francisco, 1938.
“Housing Officials Plan Fight To Get State Authority.” The Sacramento Bee March 9, 1940: ??.
Story on establishment of state housing authority.
“Interstate Migration.” Hearings Before the Select Committee to Investigate the Interstate Migration of Destitute Citizens. House of Representatives. Seventy-sixth Congress. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1940. (July 29-31, 1940).
Committee appointed to inquire into the interstate migration of destitute citizens, to study, survey and investigate the social and economic needs and the movement of indigent persons across state lines.
Jamieson, Stuart M. “A Settlement of Rural Migrant Families In the Sacramento Valley, California.” Rural Sociology 7 (March 1942): 49-61.
Defines elements that give the migrant worker the appearance of a separate “ethnic group” in some California communities. Author sees their organization into unions for collective bargaining as a way of improving their economic position. The problem in California in adjusting to this influx of migrant families is unique and has made their permanent absorption into the community a difficult and slow process.
Keagle, Cora L. “A Model Migratory Camp.” California Cultivator February 12, 1938: 91, 118.
Landis, Paul H. "Social Aspects of Farm Labor in the Pacific States." Rural Sociology December 1938: 421-33.
Discusses the problem of transient farm labor in the Pacific coast states citing two Farm Security Administration (FSA) measures that helped improve the social and economic conditions of these agricultural workers: (1) a socialized health program that would benefit the general welfare of farm laborers; and (2) the development of a chain of sanitary farm labor campus financed mainly by the federal government that improved their standard of living.
“Local Officials Seek $120,000 in Federal Care of Migrant Groups.” Bakersfield Californian January 27, 1938: 13.
Many Transients Self-Supporting Survey Reveals." Shafter Progress January 31, 1936: 1.
McEntire, David. The Labor Force in California: A Study of Characteristics and Trends in Labor Force, Employment, and Occupations in California, 1900-1950. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1952.
“McManus Wants Longer Residence for Relief Work.” Arvin Tiller March 10, 1939: 4.
“Migrant Flow Held Peril to State Living Standards.” Bakersfield Californian March 20, 1940: 1.
“Migrants are Becoming Voters.” California: Magazine of the Pacific (Chamber of Commerce) October 1938: 58, 20-21.
“Migratory Camp.” Arvin Tiller. February 3, 1939: 4.
“Migratory Camp Plans are Outlined in Report.” Arvin Tiller. March 31, 1939: 1.
“Migratory Labor: A Social Problem.” Fortune April 19, 1939: 90+.
Molander, Ruth Emelia. “A Study of 101 Migrant Families Receiving Assistance Under the Regulations of the California ‘Aid to Needy Children’ Law in Kern County in June 1940.” [Thesis]. Berkeley, California: University of California/Berkeley, 1943.
“Mrs. Robinson Addresses Mothers in Arvin Camp.” Arvin Tiller March 31, 1939: 1.
“New Camp Ground for Transients.” Shafter Progress January 19, 1934:
“New Migratory Director Appointed Here.” Arvin Tiller March 3, 1939: 1.
New Republic January 22, 1940: 108-110.
“No Work, No Eat Plan Inaugurated in Tulare County.” Fresno Bee April 17, 1934: 1.
Poor Housing In Sutter and Yuba Is Investigated." The Sacramento Bee April 23, 1940: ??.
“Public is Shown Migrant Camp at Farmersville.” Fresno Bee March 6, 1941.
“Red Cross Drive to Aid Victims in Drought Area.” Wasco News January 30, 1931: 1.
“Relief Appeals Heard by Governor Stanford.” Arizona Republic October 31, 1937.
“Relief Camps to Close as Conditions Improve.” Wasco News April 1, 1932: 7.
“Relief for Needy.” Wasco News December 5, 1930: 10.
Sanders, Mae. ‘Authorities Predict Increase in Migrant Flow to Kern Soon.” Bakersfield Californian August 7, 1939: 9.
__________. “National Problem of Migratory Workers Center in California.” Bakersfield Californian August 18, 1939: 9.
__________. “Growers Are Providing Housing for Workers.” Bakersfield Californian August 16, 1939: 9.
“Shafter Migrants Elect Camp Government.” Kern County Union Labor Journal August 11, 1939: 1.
“Slaves Were Fed.” Arizona Labor Journal March 24, 1938: 1.
“Squatters Camps Go: Tulare Migrants Move to Towns.” Fresno Bee October 12, 1939: 1.
“State Asks Roosevelt for U.S. Aid in Migrant Crisis.” San Francisco Examiner February 16, 1939: 1 ?
“State Chamber Committee Studies Valley Conditions.” Bakersfield Californian January 15, 1940: 15.
“State Survey Reveals Most Tulare County Needy Are Americans.” Fresno Bee May 14, 1934: 1.
Steinbeck, John. “The Harvest Gypsies.” The San Francisco News October 5, 1936: 1.
“Stranded: History of a Farm Family in Search of a Home.” The David Krause Family. Unauthored. 1935.
Case study of a family of twelve, whose migrations up and down the San Joaquin Valley, California began in April 1935. David Krause, father, was born in Russian in 1889 and emigrated to North Dakota with his two brothers to work on his uncle’s farm in 1903, becoming a U.S. citizen in 1917. He married Sophie Werner in 1910. After twenty years of struggling and eleven children they sold their North Dakota farm and headed for Idaho in 1929, where they worked as seasonal laborers. In 1934, the entire family headed for California, as there was not enough work in Idaho. Their repeated efforts to get public relief in Idaho andCalifornia were thwarted by the bureaucracy that required them to live in one place for a minimum of six months prior to applying for aid. By mid-December 1935, the family was receiving no assistance from California’s State Relief Administration or any local agency. The outlook for the family was bleak as the attitude of the townspeople made it unlikely that the Krause family would receive much help. The author describes the Krauses as “honest, industrious, fundamentally healthy…potentially useful citizens who are facing starvation and there is no machinery to deal with their problems.”
“Suggests County Migrant Camps.” Bakersfield Californian October 3, 1938: 9.
“Tulare Closes Food Depot to Able Bodied Men.” Fresno Bee May 13, 1935: 1.
Underhill, Bertha S. "A Study of 132 Families in California Cotton Camps with Reference to Availability of Medical Care." California State Department of Social Welfare. Division of Child Welfare. October 1937.
Report cites the industrialization of California agriculture as the reason for the increase in migrants to California. Underhill provides information collected at grower-owned farm labor camps in Merced, Madera, and Fresno Counties, in the neighborhoods of Madera, Los Banos, Dos Palos and Firebaugh. Data includes: family size, income, residence status, previous occupations, relief received by 132 families including Mexican, white, black and Native American. The statistical tables emphasize the health situation of children, including nutrition, infections, hygiene, tuberculosis, congenital defects. Underhill concludes that although considered "migratory," most in study remained in the county. Many migrant families do not receive relief; non-residents do not receive medical care and are unable to pay for private medical care. Those migrants who are residents often do not take advantage of medical services. Recommends that state and federal agencies should pay for the improvement of the poor conditions under which migrant families live.
United States. Farm Security Administration. Study of 6,655 Migrant Households Receiving Emergency Grants, 1938.
U.S. Migratory Camp is Opened at Farmersville." Fresno Bee December 18, 1938: 1.
Webb, John N. and Malcolm Brown. Migrant Families. Works Progress Administration Research Monograph XVIII. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1938.
Report on the characteristics and activities of Depression migrant families who received relief from the transient program of the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA). Report debunks stereotypical misconceptions of migrants as irresponsible, chronic wanderers. Suggests as solution to the transient migrant relief problem the elimination of state settlement requirements which designate transient as a separate category. Contains detailed analysis of 5,489 migrant families selected from the total number receiving care in transient bureaus during September 1935. Includes reasons for migration, family histories, origins and movement, personal characteristics, such as composition of migrant families, age, ethnicity, citizenship, marital status, and education, among others. Contains tables and figures. Concludes that the transient relief problem is national; the solution is Federal leadership.
Weisger, Marsha L. “Mythic Fields of Plenty: The Plight of Depression-Era Oklahoma Migrants in Arizona.” Journal of Arizona History 32(3) 1991: 241-66.
Wood, Samuel E. “Municipal Shelter Camps for California Migrants.” Sociology and Social Research 23(3) January 1939: 222-27.